Abortion. The word alone causes civil conversation to flee
the room. This is largely because the pro-choice and pro-life
positions are being defined by their extremes, by those who
scream accusations in lieu of arguments.
More reasonable voices and concerns, on both sides of the
fence, are given short shrift.
For example, pro-life extremists seem unwilling to draw
distinctions between some abortions and others, such as those
resulting from rape or incest with an underage child. They would
make no exception in the recent real-life case of a woman who
discovered in her fifth month that her baby would be born dead
due to severe disabilities.
On the other hand, pro-choice extremists within feminism
insist on holding inconsistent positions. The pregnant woman has
an unquestionable right to abort, they claim. Yet if the
biological father has no say whatsoever over the woman's choice,
is it reasonable to impose legal obligations upon him for child
support? Can absolute legal obligation adhere without some sort
of corresponding legal rights?
The only hope for progress in the abortion dialogue lies in
the great excluded middle, in the voices of average people who
see something wrong with a young girl forced to bear the baby of
a rapist.
Any commentary on abortion should include a statement of the
writer's position. I represent what seems to be a growing
"middle ground" in pro-choice opinion. Legally, I believe in the
right of every human being to medically control everything under
his or her own skin. Many things people have a legal right to
do, however, seem clearly wrong to me: adultery, lying to
friends, walking past someone who is bleeding on the street.
Some forms of abortion fall into that category. Morally
speaking, my doubts have become so extreme that I could not
undergo the procedure past the first trimester and I would
attempt to dissuade friends from doing so.
Partial-birth abortion has thrown many pro-choice advocates
into moral mayhem. I find it impossible to view photos of
late-term abortion — the fetus' contorted features, the tiny
fully formed hands, the limbs ripped apart — without
experiencing nausea. This reaction makes me ineffectual in
advocating the absolute right to abortion. I stand by the
principle, "a woman's body, a woman's right" but I don't always
like myself for doing so.
It is difficult to remember how many times other feminists
have urged me not to express moral reservations. "Abortion
requires solidarity" is the general line of argument. Such
voices do as much damage to the pro-choice position as the
anti-abortion zealots who harass women as they enter clinics do
to the pro-life one.
Fanatics on both sides are using reprehensible and deceitful
tactics. An honest dialogue on abortion must start by re-setting
the stage, by denouncing the approaches that block
communication.
What are those approaches?
Many pro-choice advocates approve of using tax money to fund
abortion. For example, starting in July, abortion training —
formerly elective — will be required training for obstetrics and
gynecology residents in New York City's 11 public
hospitals. Those wishing to avoid the required training must
provide religious or moral justification. The furor created by
this use of tax money has been phrased as a battle over abortion
when, in reality, it is about whether government should finance
women's personal choices with the taxes of those who strenuously
object. Government support of abortion must cease.
Pro-life extremists threaten the lives and safety of both
those who provide and those who undergo the procedure. The
murder of "abortion" doctors is in the news with the current
trial of anti-abortion militant James Kopp, accused of murdering
Dr. Barnett Slepian in New York and wanted for attacks on two
doctors in Canada.
Recent concerns have been raised for the safety of the women
involved. Anti-abortion zealots are
photographing
women as they enter clinics and, then, posting the
photographs on the Internet. The women are identified as "baby
killers." The pro-life movement must lead in denunciating this
violence or no discussion can occur.
Pro-choice advocates should stop the attempt to silence those
with doubts and cease their hypocrisy on issues surrounding
abortion. Consider the National Organization for Women. NOW
decries the anti-abortion stand as violence against women's
reproductive rights. Yet it is mute (or much worse) on the
greatest reproductive atrocity against women in the world — China's
one-child
policy.
Pro-life leaders should start being candid about how they
plan to enforce a ban on abortion. For example, if they believe
abortion is premeditated murder, then they seem logically
constrained to impose first-degree murder penalties — including
the death penalty, if applicable — upon women who abort and
those who assist her. Are they willing to do this while
remembering that murder has no statute of limitations?
Those who shove posters depicting an aborted fetus into the
faces of pro-choice advocates have an equal responsibility to
confront the consequences of their own policies. How, short of
totalitarian government agencies, can they control what is in a
woman's womb, and when?
I don't know if good will is possible on this highly charged
and divisive issue. Both sides may find themselves able to work
together on measures that improve the situation, for example, by
making adoption far easier. What I do know is that the extremes
cannot be allowed to dominate debate. The stakes in abortion are
too high.