Some feminists are dissing Laura Bush and the Bush
administration's recent support of the Afghan women. Gloria
Steinem is taking potshots about the difference between the
"rhetoric" and "reality" of advocacy, and claiming that the Bush
policies may amount to "gender apartheid." New York Times
columnist Maureen Dowd calls the support "hollow."
Is this jealousy over Republicans taking over their political
turf or are such statements politically significant? The answer
is "both."
The jealousy is drippingly apparent. A former aide to Hillary
Clinton describes the ex-First Lady as "bugged" that Laura Bush
-- sometimes called the "anti-Hillary" -- is getting "good
press." Especially on a topic Hillary wants to homestead: the
Afghan women. What if George Bush topples the Taliban, which
rose to power under her husband's administration? What if
Republicans accomplish more for Afghan women than radical
feminists do? Such questions are the stuff of
Hillary-nightmares.
There is a more serious side to the feminist reaction. The
left wing of feminism is desperate to own this issue. Voices
like the Feminist Majority are trying to use the oppression of
Afghan women in the same manner they exploit other international
issues, such as the trafficking of women or working conditions
in the Third World.
First, they identify an appalling injustice and become the
"voice" of the victims. For this, they should be commended. But
their advocacy soon becomes an ownership claim that leads them
to slight or dismiss anyone else who also speaks out. For
example, in reporting on Republican support, NOW declares, "The
U.S. and allies abroad would do well to follow the lead
of feminist groups, echoed....by First Lady Laura
Bush."[Italics added.] If anyone disputes the exclusivity of
their ownership, the person is "anti-woman."
Defining the issue comes after "owning" it. Left-wing
feminists are overwhelmingly white, middle or upper class
professionals on the elite edge of society. They apply Western
feminist analysis and solutions to Afghanistan. For example,
women must be duly represented in any post-Taliban government.
This means the U.S. military should be involved in nation
building around a Parliamentary "ideal." Anyone who disagrees is
"anti-woman."
Next, the Third World situation is said to reveal a universal
truth about women. For example, "men exploit women." The insight
is applied back to North America to reveal parallel oppression,
which must be remedied through changing domestic policy. The
domestic policy demands are backed up by the moral outrage
inspired by the injustice abroad. Anyone who disagrees is
"anti-woman."
Let's break down the progression.
First, the ownership claim. Without denying that feminists
were early advocates of the Afghan women, they hardly stood
alone. Organizations, like Human Rights Watch, rang alarm bells
long before it was politically fashionable to do so.
Individuals, like the black conservative columnist John Doggett,
have been speaking out for years. But feminist advocates are
unwilling to share the moral high ground.
Next comes the imposition of Western standards and solutions.
Feminism is proud of being "multicultural" and, for some of us,
the commitment goes beyond press releases. It refers to
respecting the free choices of those who prefer a different
culture or lifestyle than our own.
Afghan women, who embrace Islam, are telling feminists to
respect multiculturalism. By rejecting the Taliban, a fanatical
aberration of religion, Afghan women do not embrace the West. An
adviser to the UN talks on a post-Taliban government, Fatima
Gailani explains, "If I go to Afghanistan today and ask women
for votes on the promise to bring them secularism, they are
going to tell me to go to hell."
Suhaila Siddiq, Afghanistan's only woman General and a
heroine to a younger generation of Afghan women, explains, "The
first priority should be given to education, primary school
facilities, the economy and reconstruction of the country, but
the West concentrates on the burqa and whether the policies of
the Taliban are better or worse than other regimes...Let these
things be decided by history."
Siddiq, who also heads the Women and Children's Hospital in
Kabul, is openly contemptuous of Western feminist solutions. Her
opinion of Hillary? "She cannot defend her own rights against
her husband. How can she defend the rights of my country?"
Western feminists are not listening. Instead, they are
rushing into phase three: taking the "insights" of Afghanistan
and applying them back to North America. Some attempts are
downright silly. For example, in the Boston Globe (November 23),
historian Joan Jacobs Brumberg and feminist Jacquelyn Jackson
argue that bikinis are as oppressive as burqas because both
garments distort women's body images. Somehow, the fact that
burqas were imposed by law and bikinis are snapped up by eager
consumers is trivial to these women. The idea of choice escapes
their analysis.
More seriously, the President of Feminist Majority Eleanor
Smeal draws parallels between the Taliban and domestic violence
in America. In an online event (December 4), Smeal will be
addressing "the worldwide efforts to erode women’s rights,
particularly in the United States and in Afghanistan, by an
anti-choice right-wing and linked domestic and international
terrorist networks." Smeal is advertised as drawing "connections
between the anti-women’s rights agenda of the right-wing
movement here in the US and the fundamentalist regime in
Afghanistan."
This is an incredibly callous use of the Afghan women in
order to promote a domestic agenda. I would say "for shame" but,
then, I would be labeled "anti-woman."